THE HISTORY OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICS: From 500BCE to the present
Submitters name: Mattia Billi
Age Grouping: school/university
Date Written: June 2004
THE HISTORY OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICS: From 500BCE to the
present
- introduction
- the failure of the renovatio imperii of Charles V of Hapsburg (1555)
- the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648)
- from the Louis XIV’s “ universal monarchy ” to the principle of balance of
power ( Utrecht 1713 )
- the French Revolution and the Napoleonic empire
- the Vienna’s Congress ( 1815 ) and the balance of restoration: the Concert
of great powers
- 1854-1871: a period of conflicts
- from the bismarckian balance to World War I
- the years between the two wars : the watershed of 1929
- from World War II to bipolarism
- globalization and unipolarism
- conclusion
The history of international politics until World War II is studied from a
Eurocentric point of view. It is only with bipolarism and decolonization that
Europe lost its centrality in international politics. The “ international
political system ” is considered to have been born in Europe in the modern age,
together with the modern states; it was then extended over the world through
colonization and imperialism; the supremacy of Europe spread the “ European
system of states ” and their ius publicum europaeum ( the forefather of the
actual international law ) in the world. The post World War II international
political system so derives from the old European system of states. All this
can ( maybe ) justify the Eurocentrism of the history I’m going to outline.
The end of the Roman Empire was hardly metabolized by Europe in the Middle
Ages. The early Middle Ages is also called the Dark Ages, to underline the
general crisis that characterized it. From a geopolitical point of view, it is
interesting to note the break up of Mediterranean unity because of the Arab
espansion ( VIII century ). This contributed to the creation of a more
“continental” identity of the Christianitas . Charlemagne’s renovatio imperii (
800 ) demonstrates both the nostalgia of the Roman Empire and the new
continental identity of the Christianitas. His attempt at uniting Europe however
soon failed after his death. The Holy Roman Empire lasted until 1806 bu even if
many emperors tried to assert their authority ( Othon The Great of Saxony
962-973, Frederick II of Swabia 1212-1253, Charles V of Hapsburg 1519-1556 ) ,
it didn’t politically unite Europe.
The attempt of Charles V failed because of the Reformation and the
opposition of France and in 1555 he divided the Hapsburg dominions into two
parts:Austrian and Spanish. Though the imperial dream had definitively failed,
the Hapsburg dynasty continued to try to impose its supremacy over Europe but it
wasn’t able. In fact in 1588 the Spanish Invincible Armada was defeated by the
British Royal Navy and in the Thirty Years War ( 1618-48 ) the Austrian were
defeated by a coalition of many powers led by France. After that the Low
Countries became independent, Germany remained subdivided and the French
monarchy became the strongest power in Europe.1648 is usually seen as the
symbolic date of birth of the modern states and of international relations
between them.
Louis XIV ( 1643-1715 ) tried to impose French hegemony over the European
system of states during his long reign, but he had been limited by various
coalitions of European powers. In particular, in 1700, trying to put a Borbon on
the Spanish throne, he caused the Spanish Succession War, in which he was
defeated. The peace treaty of Utrecht ( 1713 ) confirmed that in Europe there
was no place for a unic empire or for a strong hegemonic state. The principle of
balance of power was established ( “ justum potentiae equilibrium ” in the
treaty ), that is one of the most important concepts of international politics.
Wars and treaties always respected this principle in the XVIII century, because
the main actors ( the great powers ) shared some common values and rules of
behaviour: the XVIII century is the triumph of the ius publicum europaeum . This
stable system was swept away by the events happened between 1789 and 1815:
revolutionary France and Napoleon rejected the principle of balance of power and
opened a long period of destructive and ideological wars, significantly
remained in the collective memory as “ The Great War ”.
The Vienna Congress in 1815 restored the principle of balance of power,
but the great powers understood that the equilibrium was not mechanical and
automatic as it was believed in the optimistic XVIII century ( they believed in
an automatism similar to the economical one ). They understood that the balance
depended on their active will in preserving it. Their collaboration was
necessary, and it was achieved through the so called diplomacy by conference :
the main Powers met very often to resolve problems and to assure the
perpetuation of the European Concert . In this original system, for the first
time, the reason of state was limited to guarantee also the “ reason of system
”. A rigidity in the international political system of restoration was the link
between international and internal order. Remembering with fear the
consequencies of the French Revolution, the monarchies decided to defend not
only the international order but also the internal ones.
This rigid system had been shaken by the risings of 1820-21, 1830-31 and
1848-49. After 1830 constitutional monarchies like Great Britain and France
became more wary of Austria and Russia’s absolutism. Also it must be remembered
the “ Monroe Doctrine ” ( 1823 ), expressed by the United States and linked to
the processes of independence in South America. After 1848 the system became
quite ungovernable. The Crimean war ( 1854-56 ) can be taken as the end of the
Concert of great powers. In fact it opened a period of conflicts between the
great powers, that is something that hadn’t happened since 1815. The other three
wars of this period ( 1859-60, 1866, 1870 ) saw the unification of Germany and
Italy, first against Austria then against France. 1870 can be seen as the
symbolic date in which the national principle became nationalism. Bismarck, the
German chanchellor, built a complex system of alliances to control revanchist
France. But the fragile bismarckian balance started to crash after 1890, when
Bismarck was forced to resign by the new emperor William II. Tensions grew more
and more and when war broke out in 1914, European Powers were already divided
into two blocks: the Triple Alliance and the Triple Entente.
World War I revolutionized both internal and international politics. Four
great empires collapsed: Austro-Hungarian, German, Russian and Ottoman. The
Middle East was assigned to France and Britain ( mandates ), in the Balkans the
federation of Yugoslavia was created, in Russia revolution brought the birth of
the Soviet Union and the United States started rising in international politics.
In the peace conference of Paris in 1919 Germany was hardly punished, according
with French requests ( contemporaries like Keynes and Nitti made serious critics
to this ). It is often said that Paris’s Conference prepared World War II; it
wasn’t able to restore an international political order as the Vienna’s Congress
did: Clemenceau, Lloyd George and Orlando were not Metternich, Talleyrand and
Castlereagh. US President Wilson succeeded to make the League of Nations
accepted, but he wasn’t able to abolish the traditional policy of power.
The years between 1918 and 1939 are called in historiography the years
between the two wars and someone interprets the two wars as the Thirty Years War
of the XX century. From a retrospective point of view this is surely true.
However it must be remembered that in the Twenties war had been refused both
politically and culturally; this was a great difference in comparison with the
pre-Great War years, when war was exalted. The Locarno and Briand-Kellogg pacts,
the Dawes and Young’s economic plans, a Briand’s speech at the League of
Nations in which he spoke about a European federation seemed to open, at last, a
new era of peace. The shock that worsened all the latent tensions was the Great
Crisis of 1929: protectionism, nationalism and the rise of Nazism broke the
post war stabilization of the Twenties and progressively conducted to the
disaster of World War II, which caused the loss of importance of Europe in
international politics.
The United Nations formal new order, promoted by the United States, soon
failed, replaced by bipolarism. For more than forty years Cold War and detente
alternated; it was a dangerous, enervating but quite stable order. We can say
that bipolarism structured more and more international relations until 1968. In
the 70’s and 80’s the two Superpowers had more and more difficulties in
controlling the increasing complexity of international politics. Decolonization,
the re-birth of Europe and Japan, the development of the Far East had changed
the simpler and Eurocentric world of 1945; also the number of states had
increased.
Between 1989 and 1991 the end of the Cold War and of the Soviet Union
revolutionized international politics. The world has become freer and full of
hope but, paradoxically, also more dangerous and unstable. There are no tensions
or predictable wars between great powers but there are more local conflicts and
after 9/11 terrorism has become an international problem that is still troubling
the international community. Although democracy and the respect for human rights
have developed in many areas, political and economic stability is still the
privilege of few.US unipolarism proves unable to govern the complexity of the
global world. At the same time supranational institutions are still far from
being able to substitute states in global governance.
The international political system, after the end of the Cold War, is still
searching for a new balance which could receive legitimisation. We can hope that
the “ reason of system ” will soon meet a cultural consent on fundamental human
rights. All we can do is to study and to act trying to change, accordingly with
our values, structures that are historically based but quite never unmodifiable.
Age Grouping: school/university